A Thank You to Ian Banks

v2-Iain-Banks-GETTYThe Hydrogen Sonato is the latest in Scottish writer Ian M. Banks’ ‘Culture Series’.  This science-fiction series focuses around ‘The Culture’, a hyper-advance communistic civilization that spans the galaxy.  The underlying concept works with many tropes of classic space opera science fiction while standing within the deeper tradition of speculative utopian socialist fiction.

Such other examples from the turn of the last century as Edward Bellamy’s Looking Backward, William Morris’ News From Nowhere and even Alexandra Kollontai’s short story Soon (In 48 Years Time), were projections of their writers hopes and vision of what a future socialist or anarchist society would be like. They are in this way revolutionary daydreams. More modern examples such as Ursula K. Le Guin’s fabulous The Dispossessed have rooted such politically modern versions of Utopia firmly within the realm of science fiction literature.

In Banks’ series, the Culture is a hyper-advanced, humanoid, communistic, anarchistic, post-scarcity civilization spread across the galaxy on millions of planets, orbitals (giant rotating rings, hundreds of thousands of kilometers in circumference) and space ships larger then most States. The civilization is a total egalitarian symbiosis between humanoids, human level intelligent robots, and hyper intelligent AIs called Minds. “Work” as we would understand it is all but nonexistent, along with ownership, jealously, war like aggression and fixed notions of gender. The process of changing one’s sex from one side to the other and back along the spectrum being as easy as changing haircuts.

As I’ve quoted before, in the novel The Player of Games a Culture citizen is having the structure of another, non-egalitarian humanoid civilization describe to him, this one marked by three main sexes instead of two, and he is absolutely dumfounded;

The one in the middle is the dominant sex.’

Gurgeh had to think about this. ‘The what?’ he said.

‘The dominant sex,’ Worthil repeated. “Empires are synonymous with centralized – if occasionally schematized – hierarchical power structures in which influence is restricted to an economically privileged class retaining its advantages through – usually – a judicious use of oppression and skilled manipulation of … the society’s information dissemination systems … In short, its all about dominance. The intermediate – or apex – sex you see standing in the middle there controls the society and the empire. Generally, the males are used as soldiers and the females as possessions. Of course, it’s a little more complicated than that, but you get the idea?’

‘Well.’ Gurgeh shook his head. ‘I don’t understand how it works, but if you say it does, all right.”

I can only hope for the day when our descendants are this befuddled when concepts like money, property and patriarchy are trying to be explained to them in history class.

Many of the books in the series revolve around such questions of the interactions between egalitarian and non-egalitarian civilization, along with more classic themes of science fiction, such as human identity and agency in a universe now dominated by technology.

The Hydrogen Sonata, following in the tradition of books like Arthur C. Clarke’s Childhood Ends, focuses around a parallel civilization to the Culture’s in the days before they “sublime.” That being, in this universe, when all the trillions of individuals of the civilization decide to leave the mundane physical reality and essentially become beings of pure energy. In a way it is a utopian apocalyptic novel, a story of a civilization ending, not through destruction but through transcendence.

In truth, though thoroughly entertaining, its not the best in the Culture Series, that honor likely going to Matter or Use of Weapons. Yet there is an interesting level of maturity to the book. There isn’t the same “good guys win, bad guys loose” quality that the other books have had. The ending is far more ambivalent and less satisfying, in a good way. The world doesn’t end with a bang, but a whimper, as things really tend to do.

Now some might ask why I should again have a review for a book like this? I would of course argue as I have before for the place of sci-fi and utopian fiction within the socialist movement. That we have the right to dream of a world, or even a galaxy, not under the yoke of capital and state. That such socialist dreams can give us hope and inspiration about what can really be.

But the impetus for this review is far more sobering. The truth is Ian Banks – this excellent writer and political activist in struggles such as the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions movement and for Scottish independence – is dying. On April 3rd he announced that he has cancer and would not likely live another year.

At this point I would like to direct this specifically to Mr Banks, in the highly unlikely chance that this article comes by your attention. I just want to thank you. There have been many writers of many types in many genres who have affected me over the years. They have taught me things, helped me grow and gave me the strength to continue. I’ve never gotten a chance to properly thank any of them, and I only wanted to say this to you while I can. My words probably don’t count for much in this important time for you, and there is very little I can really offer in terms of consoling. All I can say is I cherish your work, your novels, your activism, and I’m in debt to you for them. They have meant a lot for me. It is good to dream and we need more dreamers.

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Wither Derrick Jensen: Transphobia within Deep Green Resistance

DeepGreenResistanceThere are times where what may seems like small, bad theoretical idiosyncrasies can lead to huge mistakes. And there are times when a group takes what are really bad political ideas and they just run with it. And then there are times when a groups has both, and it leads them to such an unmitigated disaster of a move that the resulting controversy and scandal is liable to destroy that organization. For the British Socialist Workers Party it was a combination of a degraded internal democratic culture and an absolutely terrible and reductionistic view on feminism, led the leadership into actively covering up the rape scandal of a senior leader, and has now left the SWP totally discredited, with the majority of the members still worth a damn going either going off to form a new organization or fighting like hell against the leadership from within. For Deep Green Resistance it was something as seemingly minor and not directly related to its normal environmental work as a theoretical layover from the 1970s (thanks to Maoism, a decade that produced a lot in terms of revolutionary ideas and not so much in terms of good ones) called ‘Radical Feminism’ leading it to take an outright and disgusting transphobic positions.

But lets first step back for a bit.

Deep Green Resistance (DGR) is a radical environmentalist group inspired by the book of the same name and the other works of Derrick Jensen. I have often used Jensen as a shorthand way to refer to that element within radical environmentalism sometimes called ‘anarcho-primitivism,’ for at least until the last year or so he was one of its main theoreticians. But this milieu is far from homogenous. At times I’ve refereed to this strata within the broader Green Anarchist movement (other elements of which I have total respect for, Social Ecologists being top of that list) disparengly as “The Derrick Jensen Crowd,” but for the purposes here I’ll refer to them as the “EndCivs.” This is a simplification of course, but it is also apt, for that is was what they believe.

The various shades of EndCivs believe that ‘industrial civilization’ or even civilization itself is at fault for the current state of ecological destruction and degradation. That the ecological systems that support human life have been exploited and degraded to the max and that all of the destructive processes of modern industry are doomed to imminent collapse. Civilization itself is unsustainable.

These ideas are very problematic. But the tricky thing for me is, and why I have in the past spent so much of my time arguing with EndCivs over these issues, is that they are somewhat right. If you were to replace the word “civilization” with the word “capitalism” in the above statement, it would actually be very close to my own opinion on these issues. Capitalism is destroying the planet. Capitalism is totally environmentally unsustainable. Capitalism is a destructive death machine that has put humanity on the path to total collapse and possible extinction.

As someone studying and working in the environmental and sustainability field, I know in part the Derrick Jensens and other EndCivs are right. We are looking at the same data, the same evidence of ecological annihilation, and we see largely seeing the same long-term outcome, total system collapse. But where me and the EndCivs differ is for one, they see all civilizations as a whole as fundamentally unsustainable – from the Babylonians to the present day – not just capitalism as at fault. And secondly they think there is effectively nothing we can do about it. And that is why EndCiv ideas are so dangerous in the environmental movement, because it is the politics of abject despair. Where I see the possibility of an ecosocialist revolution, of moving away from unsustainable practices by doing away with the profit motive and class society, the EndCivs see no such possibility. Between the old choices for humanity laid out by Rosa Luxemburg, of “Socialism or Barbarism,” the EndCivs have chosen to embrace barbarism.

A number of interconnected tactical programs emerge from this politics of despair, all terrible.

Firstly there is the “raging against the dying of the light” attitude of making a number of great, last symbolic stands against ‘industrial civilization.’ A number of eco-terrorist farcical adventures comes form this ‘last stand for the planet’ notion, destroying damns, pipelines, power stations (though in reality all it has ever really meant is some non-violent direct actions) all doomed to failure. These are the ideas that Derrick Jensen has been irresponsibly foisting on young, radical environmentalists through DGR, ideas of which as far as I know he himself has never followed through with.

If you are not down with being part of the select, enlightened elite (“vanguard” if you will) bent not so much on saving the planet, but at least taking revenge for it, then there is always the option of running away. Why try to save the world (or even destroy industrial civilization) when you can just run off to the hills and start living off the land and growing your own food. The assumptions behind this sort of craven escapism is that those who are knowledgeable in primitive skills, permaculture methods of farming and so forth (things that I am actually very much for, including for the generalization of premaculture farming methods, and also pro teaching more people about, especially kids, I’m just against it being viewed as a solution in and of itself in these ways) will be more likely to survive the coming civilizational collapse.

See imbedded in all of the strains of EndCiv thought is the idea of post-collapse. That after the apocalypse, those select will be able to live – sustainably and in spiritual communion with nature of course – in gatherer-hunter bands or simple horticultural societies in the ruins of the old world. If this hyper-romanticized and naive apocalyptical daydream – which belongs more in a sci-fi dystopian movie then in real political discourse – may involve the deaths of potentially billions of people due to the collapse of the industrial, technological and agricultural systems needed to sustain our population, then so be it, there are too many people anyway they say. If the majority of those who’ll become displaced and possibly die due to things like global warming in the coming century live in the Global South, and those privileged to be living in ‘developed’ countries (where coincidentally, effectively all EndCivs are from) will have more resources to weather the coming storms, then so be it. The implied racism is not dealt with.

If you find many of these ideas troubling, if not outright abhorrent, then good, cause they are. It is a rather odd program to march through the streets with on your banner, “we want you’re lives to be materially worst, we want you to starve, give up all technology that makes your lives better.” Can’t imagine its too easy to win people over to that program. But it is interesting how it is usually predominantly white middle-class kids – ie people who grew up with plenty – who are the one’s preaching scarcity. It is often only someone who has never lived on foodstamps can say others are living well beyond their means.

There is even tied into this notion in EndCiv circles the idea of the “hard crash.” That is that it might be preferable to help increase the rate of environmental degradation cause it’ll expedite the process of civilization’s collapse. These are actual ideas that are talked about and are nothing short of comic book villain levels of evil.

In all of this are the ideas of outright elitists. Some have even admitted as much to me openly. They view themselves as better then other people. That they will survive, they have the knowledge and purified moral high-ground, and the rest of humanity they can care less for. It is truly reactionary in the sense that it wants to turn back the civilizational time-line 10,000 years to before settled cities, and then somehow consider that an improvement. There is nothing liberating about starvation, or the lost of medical science, or the loss of thousands of years of literature and written thought.

A further aspect to this ridiculous post-apocalyptic fantasy of EndCivs is an implied ableism and transphobia. What is going to happen to those people who relay on modern medical technology, from wheelchairs to dialysis machines, in order to live their lives? You can’t build a wheelchair out of bark and kale. As far the EndCivs are concerned they’ll likely be one of the many untold victims of collapse. Callous ableism at its finest here, as these individuals with various impairments clearly don’t fit the rugged noble savage image that EndCivs so often fantasize about. As for the transgendered, what is going to happen to those people wishing to reassign their sex through surgery, hormone therapy or other means after collapse? Again, callous transphobia, these individuals clearly don’t fit into EndCivs’ vision of living purely off the land and exactly as nature supposedly intended them to.

And that was it I thought. Up until recently I assumed EndCivs’ transphobia was merely implied as an unintended side-effect due to the naivety and short-sightedness of their ideas. Boy howdy was I wrong.

So the current controversy with Deep Green Resistance broke out into the open when an altercation occurred at the Law and Disorder conference in Portland. What seems to have happened is that a number of trans-woman and their allies confronted DGR members tabling at the conference, attempted to deface some of DGR’s material with markers and ended up writing on some of the woman tabling in the process (an act that DGR has hyperbolically refereed to as a ‘misogynistic attack and assault,’ something to me sounds like bit of a stretch). Later on another DGR member had a burrito thrown at their head. The Law and Disorder conference organizers have since stated that DGR will no longer be welcome at their conference, and many other radical events and anarchist bookstores have followed suite. It has even reached the point where the Earth First! Journal Collective, another group in the broader EndCiv community, has full on denounced DGR and said they will no longer be printing anymore DGR material (on a side note, this does illustrates that EndCivs are not all homogenous with the same ideas, its more of a tendency and shade of opinion, I fully acknowledge that my descriptions here are just a mere necessary simplification). So what is this all about.

To be frank, the underlying issue is really bad. Deep Green Resistance has some of the most transphobic ideas I have ever seen on the far-left. So much so I’m actually somewhat uncomfortable with repeating them here. So consider this TRIGGER WARNING for Transphobia from here on out.

Deep Green Resistance and its leaders and writers, have adopted a number of incredibly essentialistic ideas. So for instance, there is an absolute and essentialistic value of “nature” with humanity posed as totally outside and opposed to it. Now I am all for viewing nature having intrinsic value of its own, but there are a number of dangers when we start to have such a “purity” fetish when it comes to nature, and DGR seems to have run into just about all of them. For, as I said early, they have also adopted certain aspects of Radical Feminist ideology for their understanding of woman and gender oppression. To grossly simplify, RadFem, among other issues, has an incredibly essentialistic view on female and male genders, that is if you are born a certain gender in society’s eyes, that’s what you are. Nevermind biological facts such as intersex individuals, or any other issues of identity, if you have “natural woman” parts then you are a woman. Trans-women to them are anything but.

So Derrick Jensen has said things like, “why is being trans woman acceptable when deciding I am trans black is not,” and, “I liked what I said to Julia or whatever his name was who wanted to join DGR: You are not a woman. You are a man who believes he is a woman.” Lierre Keith, a DGR leader and long-time RadFem writer has said when talking about trans individuals that gender, “is a class condition created by a brutal arrangement of power. I can’t fathom how mutilating people’s bodies to fit an oppressive power arrangement is frankly anything but a human rights violation. And men insisting that they are women is insulting and absurd.” And Cathy Brennan, another person tied to DGR, has openly claimed that transwoman “oppress” cis-gendered woman and lesbians, and has been insistent to the claim that, “penis = male.” These thoughts are so inbedded in Deep Green Resistance that when they posted their statement of their views on the Portland events, they repeatedly went out of their way to missgender those who “attacked” their tablers as “male”, when by all other reports the “attackers” were trans-women.

And to all of that, to all of them, all I can say is; Holy Flying Fuck You People Are Insane Bigoted Scum! To deny the horrifyingly real oppression faced every day by transwoman, transmen and other queer folk is disgusting, and so are you. I am not going to necessarily condone the “attack” on the DGR tablers obviously, but then again I wasn’t the one being so harshly insulted as a human being by having my identity totally discounted in such a way. Seriously, fuck you transphobes!

I make no claims whatsoever to being an expert or even sufficiently knowledgeable about the areas of queer theory, gender politics and the politics of identity. Usually when these subjects come up in conversation I patiently stay quiet and respectively listen to others thoughts and feelings on the matter. But even I know the basic thing that when a person identifies a certain way and has a preferred pronoun (whether she, he, they or otherwise) you fucking respect that. You do not have the right to be the ‘gender police’ and impose what your particular view of their identity is onto them. That is just the bare minimum basics of common decency and solidarity.

There are some bare minimums that are to be expected from all those on the far-left, and trans-inclusivity is top of that list. If you can’t pull that off, or worse, you come up with pathetically flimsy theoretical justifications for your transphobia, then you’re not welcome. The British Socialist Workers Party has been largely segregated off as pariahs due to their failure to confront rape culture in their ranks. The SWP has come up with some lackluster theoretical excuses related to what they miss-characterize as “democratic centralism” but no one cares. A similar fate likely awaits Deep Green Resistance unless they severely alter their ways, and those honest elements within DGR I sincerely implore to fight like hell to do just that. I do honestly believe that there are scores of good environmentalists and fighters in DGR who aren’t down with their leadership’s positions, and despite all of our other disagreements, I think these people who have done so much work for the movement deserves a place within it. There is always a difference between the leadership and the rank and file, that has to be remembered. But no one is going to buy the DGR leadership’s transphobic ideas, not one bit. Those pieces of RadFem theory have been thoroughly discredited for 30 years. They are wrong. I echo the views of Aric McBay, former DGR leader and co-writer with Jensen and Keith of Deep Green Resistance the book, who left DGR due to their transphobia, when he said:

For me, trans rights and trans inclusion are fundamental to building effective movements and to building a world worth living in. Speaking as the main author of the book that inspired [DGR] in the first place: they are most definitely my core values.

And transphobia–like racism and sexism and classism and homophobia–is a poison that those in power use to destroy movements and ruin lives. When faced with such poisons, who needs COINTELPRO?

Solidarity between movements is the only hope we have… I want to make it clear to people that I, and the vast majority of radical environmentalists, fully support trans rights and trans inclusion.

It is uncertain what the future will bring through all of this. There is a very real process of regroupment occurring amongst radical and anti-capitalist environmentalists. But the future belongs to those who want to fight for it, and fight for one that is inclusive of all. Environmental justice has to be combined with a deep and thoroughgoing social justice. Inclusivity is a must, intersectionality is a must, but most of all hope is a must. The environmental movement we need will be able to unit all the poor, exploited, marginalized and oppressed of the world in a fight to save our species and save all other life on this planet. It will not be built with the politics of despair.

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The American Empire and Free Trade

One of the interesting things about the rise of the American Empire after WW2 was that it comes at a time de-colonization and was largely pro de-colonization, at least in the early stages. The American ruling class truly wanted an end to European colonialism, just as long as those now freed colonial countries allied themselves with the US and not the USSR.

So one of the big moves the US made was to promise the forgiveness of all of the massive debt that the UK and other allied countries owed it, but in return they had to give up their colonies. The UK agreed quickly, France not so much. But the point from the eyes of the American ruling class was that they wanted access to those colonial markets. Part of the colonial order was that the colonized countries were economically tied to the “home” country, making it very difficult for other powers to get in on that market. This was always very annoying to the USA as well as Germany, both latecomers to the world imperial project. But while Germany tried to go off to try to conquer their slice of the globe, the US came up with a far more ingenious and eventually successful means to world dominance, free trade.

See then as now “Free Trade” is really a code word for economic dominance by the larger economy. There is no “freedom of trade” between economic inequals. So the US was urging the end of colonialism in the name of free trade after WW2 cause they knew that with their more powerful economy (at that point making up 1/2 of the world’s GDP) they were ensured of invading and dominating every market opened up to them.

The USSR knew this, but with their far smaller economy they opted for more direct imperial control of their spheres of influence then the US’s “soft colonialism,” but the goals were both the same. And as the Cold War heated up both parties began copying each other’s methods of control and dominance in order to out compete the other, with the US largely succeeding the most in building up a order of world control with it as its center.

Anyway, just some thoughts.

In reflection, Pax Americana has probably had the least “Pax” of any of the Paces. And I for one wait hopefully for the day of the total collapse and fall of the American Empire.

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May Day Photos

This is just a collection of the photos I took this May Day 2013 in NYC. It started off with a student rally at Washington Square Park, followed by another student rally at Cooper Union, then a labor and immigrant rally at Union Square followed by march. So busy day. It was really fantastic.

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Building the Revolutionary Party in the USA

Happy May Day 2013! Figured I should post this excellent talk to celebrate

Building the Revolutionary Party in the United States ~ Talk given by Paul LeBlanc

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Reflections on the Ecosocialist Conference

Chris Williams

Chris Williams

This report back has since been taken up and republished by Climate and Capitalism and LINKS: International Journal for Socialist Renewal.

This past Saturday, April 20th’s Ecosocialist Conference at Barnard College in NYC I would say was a massive success. Over 240 people showed up, when organizers would have be pleased if just 100 had, and 29 different socialist organizations, groups, parties and periodicals cosponsored the event. This is a massive step forward in rebuilding a stronger, more collaborative and more united far-left in an area of dire importance, environmental justice. There were some very minor issues – namely in areas of facilitation of speakers and talks and some other organizational problems for the conference – but for what this was, a big step forward in a number of different socialist organizations working together on a common event for the first time, I really can’t imagine how it could have been any better. Minor mistakes are to be expected, but in all this was a huge success and all the organizers should be incredibly proud of it.

In terms of the talks given, I think what we saw was a real cross-section snapshot of what the current state of ecosocialist thought is at the moment. We have a number of different socialist groups, organizations, parties and periodicals who have up until now, in whatever capacity they have been thinking about ecological-socialism, have been doing so largely parallel to each. For essentially the first time during the Conference we got to see where everyone is at and what we are all thinking. A lot of people have very interesting ideas, unique ways of phrasing and conceptualizing ecosocialism. But we also see that in a number of areas – specifically such as areas of gender, sexuality and race in regards to ecosocialism, along with the more scientific angle of how could we feasibly solve many of these environmental problems – our work up until now is still a little shallower and in need of further development. But that was the good thing about this conference, we got to see that all out in the open for the first time and are now able to carry on our theoretical developments from here and more collectively.

Jill Stein

Jill Stein

So that comes to that all important question, where do we go from here with this thing we have created. We started with a handful of groups coming together in a Ecosocialist Contingent at the Forward on Climate March. That was a huge success, so then it was thought we should have a Ecosocialist Conference. A far larger number of groups and individuals joined in on the work for this, and that was a massive success. An obvious next step is that we should try to replicate the success of the Ecosocialist Conference in other major U.S. cities such as San Francisco and Chicago, and see how that goes. But that is (relatively) easy at this point, the real question is not on just putting on a another ecosocialist conference (though we should) its about building up our ecosocialist praxis and activity.

Up until now we have had minor baby steps towards this direction of a more effective alliance and coalition between socialist groups, organizations and parties in this area of environmental work, with first the contingent then the conference. All of these different groups have a fair amount of political baggage and bad blood between us, so the fact that we haven’t descended into outright sectarianism as of yet and have built this working relationship is a huge accomplishment. So there is an argument, in my view, of taking the next big step for forming a closer alliance of ecosocialists in the US and beyond.

tumblr_mlmpr7etsF1s1r0cio7_1280But this is not because of some grand notions of a great fusion or big tent organization of all of the socialist groups as of yet. Its rather related to a very key fact of the current political moment. All practice comes from theory and must be related to the needs of the current political situation. That present situation is that firstly the natural world is dying fast (and us with it) due to capitalism, and there is a severe urgency to stop that by any means necessary. The second big aspect of the current political moment is that there is now a very real environmental mass movement in this country and there is a pertinent need to relate to this movement as anti-capitalist ecosocialists.

There are millions of individuals in groups like 350.org or involved in movements to stop the Keystone XL pipeline, hydro-fraking, mountaintop removal, divest from oil companies and other pertinent ecological issues, who are angry and desperate in trying to save the planet, and we need to be all working together to engage with them. It is very easy to imagine a situation where this growing movement is brought under the total control of the Democratic Party, like so many others before it, and is then smothered by that corporate backed party. It is all but certain at this point that Obama will approve the Keystone XL pipeline. We need to be in the environmental movements as ecosocialists right now making arguments in a non-sectarian way for independence from the Democrats, and warnings about this impending betrayal of Obama. So that the moment when he does approve the last leg of the pipeline the immediate reaction of the movement isn’t to give up, but to explode and fight back.

tumblr_mlmpr7etsF1s1r0cio1_1280Collaborating together closely in a loose alliance or as a tighter coalition, and combining our efforts as ecosocialists could be a huge help in this work to help push the environmental movement forward and to the left, to a more anti-capitalist direction. But those are just my thoughts on the matter. The devil will always be the detail in stuff like this. Many of the differences on the far-left between different groups are very small. Yet so is a pebble, but it can become a big focus of your attention when it gets in your shoe. That’s not to say we shouldn’t try, just to say it won’t necessarily be easy. The time to have such discussions about what it is that we want from this Ecosocialist Contingent and Conference is now.

Check the website to learn more: http://ecologicalsocialists.com/

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On the modern IWW

IWWNote: I’ve made a number of edits to this post that reflect conversations and reasonable criticisms I have received for it

First off I have nothing at all against the modern Industrial Workers of the World. But I think a number of things need to be said openly about them, what they are and what they are not. First off is that they are not the IWW of the like of Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Big Bill Haywood and Joe Hill. Technically its the same continuous organization, but that heyday was a century ago, a lot has changed in that time in the IWW and its definitely the case that the current organization likes to rides the coattails of its former glory.

But thats the thing. The IWW is really not that much of a union, its really more of a political organization. Now this statement, and all others I’m brining up here need to be made with a lot of qualifications. For it should be pointed out that no two IWW chapters are really the same. Some are doing important work and are actually organizing workplaces as unions would, but primarily in small scale areas in the service industry. There are others that are more like anarchist political organizations that are also doing good work in local cities, just not as a union per se. But there are many chapters that are effectively just anarchist clubs, where some of the local anarchist community decided to join something because it has a famous name. Taken as a whole, it is only with a stretch that you can consider it an aspect of the American labor movement with all its millions of members.

The truth is the IWW is more of an anarchist, or more specifically an anarcho-syndicalist, organization. It is true that in official IWW literature they do not characterize themselves as “anarchistic” but instead maintain the principal of One Big Union (though they are, anti-capitalist which complicates that situation). But the official stance and the reality on the ground tend to be very different. In many people on the left’s eyes, and especially actual IWW members, the IWW is an anarchist organization. Now obviously that means very different things, there are many different definitions in different people’s eyes for that word, but I don’t think that is really that great of a stretch to make that claim. The membership of the IWW is pretty much entirely anarchist, they are the ones who join it. Personally I’ve known of only exception to this throughout all my dealings with the IWW, of one non-anarchist Wobbly. And there is nothing really wrong with that. Anarchists should have they’re own organizations. They should have more even. Anarchists need to get better organized. But I don’t believe the IWW should just be considered like any old union, cause it ain’t. Most of its chapters are organized by city, not by workplace, just as many other political left groups are.

Really the big issue with the IWW as per this unionism thing is really the same issue it has always had. To quote Jame P. Cannon, a key member of the IWW in its height who then went on to help found the CPUSA and later the American Trotskyist movement on this:

One of the most important contradictions of the IWW, implanted at its first convention and never resolved, was the dual role it assigned to itself. Not the least of the reasons for the eventual failure of the IWW — as an organization — was its attempt to be both a union of all workers and a propaganda society of selected revolutionists — in essence a revolutionary party. Two different tasks and functions, which, at a certain stage of development, require separate and distinct organizations, were assumed by the IWW alone; and this duality hampered its effectiveness in both fields.

The contradiction there comes out in this way. If you are organizing your workforce, whether its at Starbucks, among other teachers, or for me when I was working in that warehouse, you HAVE to embrace and organize co-workers of many different political opinions. You will have right-wing, liberal and apolitical co-workers in that union. But if you make that union anti-capitalist, or in this case anarchist, from the beginning you are going to run into a lot of problems. Simply put, you will not be able to organize your workplaces in most cases like that, and that is what a union is for. Unions are meant to embrace the whole of the working class, revolutionary political organizations (whether socialist or anarchist) can in most cases only organize a minority of the working class at any given point in time.

Now I mean no ill will towards the IWW. I think all of their brave efforts, actions and events need to be unconditionally supported as just part of the most basic sense of solidarity and building are more united left. If the Wobblies are picketing some business, they it is your responsibility to join that picket. But it just needs to be remembered that you are supporting an anarchist political organization, not so much a union in most cases.

But I want to be clear that I am not being dismissive of the modern IWW either, in any shape or form. Heck, every single sentence on it I’ve written has contained lines on how they’re doing really important work right now. I don’t believe that anyone on the far-left should ever be dismissed, there is just not enough of us to waste. All I’m saying is that you can’t understand the IWW by simply referencing its past heyday from last century and that its more accurate to characterize them today as like other far-left groups as opposed to a union.

But criticism is a good thing for the left, so long as its done in a serious, comradely, friendly fashion. The issues I see are in what’s the best strategic use of our time, and a critique comes from valuing the effort of all on the far-left and in the IWW and wanting to see it used in the best way. For what is really the central issue that I can see – and this is something for Wobblies to discuss and debate, not for me - is if the aspirations of the IWW to “unite all workers into the One Big Union” is in synch with their current praxis and organizational methods? Is it the best idea to organize yourselves effectively outside of the mainstream labor in a separate organization that can oftentimes degenerate into a club, or should we enter and embrace the mainstream labor movement with all of its many issues in order to win it over? I do not pretend to have an answer to those last questions. Its for Wobblies to decide that themselves. But as always I wish them the best in all of their efforts and I hope to see them on the picket line.

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Freedom and Socialism

1921revolut (37)By both its detractors and supposed supporters, the name of Socialism has been dragged through the mud. The word ‘socialism’ is conjured up as a demon, a great dictatorial beast, bent on destroying all liberties and homogenizing all differences. It is understood that under any system called socialism, the individual is reduced to nothing, while the state is risen on high to an omnipotent throne built on gulags, purges and secret police. Such corporate load mouths as Fox News’ Bill O’Reilly can speak of, “tyranny and socialism,” in a single breathe without batting an eye.[i] And if such conservative hacks require any proof to back up their claims, well they can just point to avowed, so-called socialists.

Its not a hard thing to claim that the Soviet Bloc of countries were some of the least free places on earth, requiring nothing short of a giant wall to actually keep people in them. The individual was, and continues to be in such countries as North Korea, nothing, with no liberties and no free life of their own. These societies saw the thoroughgoing oppression and atomization of individuals lacking in the means to act as their own agent. Michael Lebowitz in his excellent study of Soviet Bloc countries describe this as the relationship between the ‘conductor” and the ‘conducted’ in a orchestra, where the later has no choice but to follow the rhythm and vision of the former. As he says, “The lack of power to make decisions within the workplace, the atomization and inability to organize collectively within the workplace or within society in general,”[ii] are all reflections of the ‘conductor’ bureaucrat’s belief in their superiority and dominance over others. This distain for free thought and free action ran so deep in these countries you had that king of disgusting one-liners Joseph Stalin, famously stating, “Ideas are far more powerful than guns. We don’t let our people have guns. Why should we let them have ideas?”

No matter what else can be said about these societies – and there is room for much debate over these matters – it should appear self-evident that whatever they were and are, we don’t want, and if they were ‘socialist’ then ‘socialism’ is the last thing on earth we want any part in.

The argument I will try to make in this article is that despite what the conservative and Stalinist hacks may say, socialism has at its core the value of human freedom. That believing what Stalinists said about what real existing socialism is, makes as much sense as believing what the pundits on Fox News say about what real freedom is. That the “Free” American and the “Socialist” Russia were as undeserving of their titles as you can get. Both of these words, freedom and socialism, have been done great disservices by some of their respective supporters, and to reclaim these words will require a fusion of them. That the only means to achieving true human freedom is through socialism and that the only means of achieving true socialism is through freedom. Only when each individual stands fully liberated amongst others can the beginning of true human civilization begin and the pre-history of class society and tyranny end. This is the case I wish to make.

 

Freedom

To begin with we must ask, what actually is freedom? As a concept and ideal it has been so many times interpreted and reinterpreted to become nearly meaningless. Main characters in blockbuster action movies can shout the word before going into battle, while American politicians and generals talk about spreading the word throughout the word at the point of a gun. In both cases freedom is a battle cry, but a battle cry for what. How can we understand this ideal philosophically, what is its essence, what is it at the bedrock of things.

We think of freedom in terms of liberty, will, autonomy. Its about our actions and our freedom to act and think without restrictions. But there are restrictions. Our actions are limited by forces all around us. We can’t levitate off the ground, or walk through walls, or transform ourselves into a giraffe. Our wills and desires are limited. Despite the ridiculousness of those examples, it gets at important starting point.

In one of the last things he wrote while waiting to be executed by Stalin, the Russian Communist Nikolai Bukahrin mediated on this idea in his Philosophical Arabesques. He said, “Freedom in the absence of cause, of indeterminism, “pure freedom”, is nothing other then the will taken in isolation, without relation to anything outside itself … [an] absurd, empty abstraction.”[iii]

That is we need a notion of freedom that transcends the purely abstract and immaterial and roots itself in physical reality. ‘Pure will’ needs to be given flesh and blood. We exist within an objective universe, with its own laws, that continues to exist outside of ourselves whether we like it or not. The laws of space, time, gravity, biology, physics, chemistry are absolutes. These are restrictions on our ‘freedoms’ but they also contain the means to us actualizing our wills. We cannot hope to fly by willing it into being and levitating, but that doesn’t mean we cannot fly by other means in conformity with the physical laws of the universe.

There is a unity between individual will and the material world that creates what we can call freedom. All freedom of individuals, animals, peoples, nations, classes, is governed by the material context that surrounds them, both in the physics sense and the social sense. The truest field of activity for will would be imagination, but even that is governed by the biology and anatomy of the human brain.

This is the issue that co-founder of scientific socialism Frederick Engels spoke about in his polemical book Anti-Duhring when he said that, “Freedom therefore consists in the control over ourselves and over external nature, a control founded on knowledge of natural necessity; it is therefore necessarily a product of historical development.”[iv]

Humanity is a social creature, we exist in the context of a given society and the breadth and depth of our actions are determined by the historical state of that society. A person in the Iberian peninsula in the 14th century couldn’t drive a car, nor a woman in most historical class societies could hope to rise beyond her lot in life determined by her sex. A human being in a vacuum is frozen solid and dead. The context of necessity, social, natural and historical, is everything for understanding human freedom.

But there are many who don’t see freedom as a social or collective enterprise. Freedom is something for solely the individual in their fight against the collective, whatever that may be. It’s always about their freedom, their rights, their autonomy, never anyone else’s. There is a deep selfishness to this notion – one could be argued has its roots in the deep selfishness of our modern society – which we will explore further a little later. But for now we can point out observation of the Hungarian Marxist Georg Lucas when he commented that, “For the ‘freedom’ of the men who are alive now is the freedom of the individual isolated by the fact of property … It is a freedom vis-á-vis the other (no less isolated) individuals. A freedom of the egoist, of the man who cuts himself off from others, a freedom for which solidarity and community exist at best only as ineffectual ‘regulative ideas’.”[v]

Beyond the truly destructive potential of this self-centered view of freedom – for there is nobody more free under this definition then the tyrannical dictator, who can do as he please without ever having to mediate his actions relative to other people and the collective – there is also the sheer inaccuracy of it. As we have said, there is no existence for the social animal of humanity totally outside of one society or another. Our abilities are of what we can hope to accomplish with our lives are limited and determined by the history and abilities of the society we live in. There is no point in dreaming about being an astronaut in a historical epoch when the earth is still viewed as the center of the universe and chemistry has yet to replace alchemy.

We rise and we fall together, as a social whole. Some sections of a society may be able to rise higher and farther on the backs of other sections of society – thus increasing their own liberty at the expense of ours – but that’s not freedom, that’s tyranny.

The American Anarchist Murray Bookchin makes an important contribution to this philosophy when he said that, “While autonomy is associated with the presumably self-sovereign individual, freedom dialectically interweaves the individual with the collective… When applied to the individual, freedom thus preserves a social or collective interpretation of that individual’s origins and development as a self. In ‘freedom,’ individual selfhood does not stand opposed to or apart from the collective but is significantly formed … by his or her own social existence. Freedom thus does not subsume the individual’s liberty but denotes its actualization.”[vi]

The ‘self-sovereignty’ of an individual above and apart from others is in truth the ‘sovereignty’ of the sovereign, a king. True sovereignty over ourselves and our actions can only come when that control is the control exerted by the whole of society. We cannot run from it, we must embrace the collective if we are to successfully mediate our wills and ‘actualize’ freedom.

This is all not to say that human will is totally at the mercy of forces around it, social and natural. That all our actions are somehow determined in advance by either nature or nurture, and that we are just mechanisms by which historical and social forces play out their preordained processes. As Karl Marx famously said, “Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past.”[vii]

That is the essence of the dialectical fusion between freedom and necessity. We will, we think, we act, but only through and upon material reality and the historic social context around us, which act back upon us in turn. For once we root freedom and the striving for freedom in the real natural world of nature and societies, we can finally come face to face with the real problems of that world. Then we can start to change the world. Then freedom and will becomes, as Bukharin said, “an active factor, and through the will … historical necessity blazes its trails.”[viii]

 

Capitalism

 

In order to blaze forward through history, the present has to be grappled with. The present society we are born into, the social matrixes that surround us, determine the limits and nature of our freedom. This social context that has been ‘transmitted from the past’ and ‘weighs like a nightmare’ upon our lives in how it restricts and defines us, is the system of capitalism.

Capitalism, this worldwide, world governing, pervasive system can be defined in a number of ways. Some ways meant to conceal its nature, others to illuminate. Such phrases as ‘free market’, ‘free enterprise’, ‘liberalized trade’ are quite common. What we see here is the language of freedom used to defend and whitewash a system of inequality, bigotry and exploitation. Under capitalism we see ‘freedom’ for the market and those who rule it, while chains for the rest of us.

For capitalism is at first a class system. It is divided and structured in such a way where the differing classes of those who work – workers – and those who own – capitalists – have competing and irreconcilable interests. So any institution or ideal will mean in reality totally different things to individuals in the different classes. As Donny Gluckstein observed while talking about the Paris Commune of 1871, “That people on both sides of the civil war claimed the same principles but fought each other is not as paradoxical as it first appears, nor are references to ‘liberty, equality and fraternity’ necessarily anachronistic. … George Bush and Tony Blair also use the language of freedom and democracy. However, for them this means the freedom for imperialist states and big business to oppress and exploit. It is clear that the meaning a neoliberal gives to ‘liberty, equality, fraternity’ is the very opposite of that given by the anticapitalist and anti-imperialist movements. We stand for liberty, equality and fraternity for human beings, not capital.”[ix]

There is a great divide between what freedom means to the capitalists and workers. For capitalists it means freedom to exploit, how and whenever they please. For the people more ‘middle class’ it tends to mean freedom to buy this or that consumerist item. For workers it can mean nothing less then liberation from the chains of poverty and oppression.

For our lives aren’t our own under capitalism, we have no sovereignty. Nominally we are suppose to be, we are all ‘free’ citizens who can come and go as we please. We are not slaves in the literally sense. But, instead of being under the arbitrary authority of an individual property owner, we are now under the arbitrary authority of a system called the market.

There is no control, no oversight, no means of recourse by which we can exert some semblance of reasoned direction on this chaotic maelstrom of the world capitalist market. Like a grand Ouija board it moves hither and thither by the unconscious motions of all and thus the conscious control of no one. Even for the richest of capitalists, or in this example those with the strongest arm, freedom under a regime like this at best is, as John Rees describes, “necessarily the sham freedom expressed in the roulette player – he or she knows the rules of the game will, therefore, have an advantage over someone who knows them less well, but the whole process is not under the control of anyone. Consequently no real freedom, no real control over destiny, is possible, because no single capitalists, let alone worker, can control the system as a whole. Rigid bureaucracy and division of labor rule the parts of the system, but chaos rules the system as a whole.”[x]

But it is to this system that we must sell ourselves to in order to survive. Try as we might to escape this system, it infects everything and everywhere, and sooner or later we have to find a way to ‘earn’ a living. As Karl Marx said, “[the worker] works that he may keep alive. He does not count the labor itself as a part of his life; it is rather a sacrifice of his life. It is a commodity that he has auctioned off to another.”[xi]

Think about college. Education should be the opportunity for us to really explore who we want to be and what we want to do with our lives. But instead we are straddled by fear. Will this degree get me a job? Will I be able to pay off my student debt? Such fear undermines our potential, for it is the fear of want. Our ability to realize ourselves, to express ourselves, to develop into the fullness of ourselves, our sovereignty over our own destiny, is laid at the mercy of the job market in this and a thousand of other ways.

Our lives are about working jobs we hate, for companies that exploit us mercilessly, all just to keep on living. The great American Socialist and orator Eugene V. Debs was always excellent at summing up this conundrum we all face, “Men do not shrink from work but from slavery. The man who works primarily for the benefit of another does so only under compulsion, and work so done is the very essence of slavery.”[xii] We are compulsed upon by the necessity of want. The bills, groceries, the rent, our debt, the whole damn market, these are our modern slave masters.

This is a monstrous system. David McNally speaks of it as a grotesque abomination, whose insidiousness is in how invisible and everyday it is.[xiii] Everyday, in order to survive, we cut off a piece of our life and life energy and sell it to a great vampire capital machine of profit maximization. We are drained, cut up, dissected and atomized into alienated husks, ‘living-dead’, who continue on only so that more of our knowledge and strength can be turned into things that’ll be used against us.

It is through this social environment imposed on us that freedom has been made to mean consumerism under capitalism. Thus the number of dollars in your wallet is directly correlated to your freedoms and the ‘richness’ of your life. Thus money is both the source of all liberty in a consumerist world and the greatest tyrannical agent, for it defines the contours of what’s possible and who can enjoy those possibilities. Choice under capitalism becomes the choice between Coke and Pepsi and freedom becomes the ‘freedom’ to buy a Ferrari. Either meaningless or effectively meaningless for most people. As Martin Luther King Jr. rightly observed, “What good is having the right to sit at a lunch counter if you can’t afford to buy a hamburger?”[xiv]

So for those who can enjoy the bountiful fruits of this world, all the finer things in life, what they are really experiencing is not ‘freedom’ but privilege. As Lucas observed, “in contemporary bourgeois society individual freedom can only be corrupt and corrupting because it is a case of unilateral privilege based on the unfreedom of others.”[xv] This is to say that when ‘freedom’ only exists for some, for an elite, it denotes anything but a free society. The elites of capitalism enjoy a privilege over others due to their wealth and class position. ‘Freedom’ here in truth means power and there is no easier way to increase your own power then by limiting that of others. And what makes it worse is that class position, that wealth, that privilege comes about only through the exploitation and oppression of those who work. The rich only exist because they parasitically leach off the poor. This is what we call tyranny.

And such a hierarchy of privilege – with all the opportunities of life at the top, and drudger and misery of want at the bottom – requires brute power to keep it place. While there is still classes, while society is still irreconcilably divided between rich and poor, while our lives are governed by inhuman and chaotic market forces, while our ability to realize our true potential is hampered at every step by a myriad of injustices, there is need for there be a state to defend this status quo. The logic of this need by the status quo is illustrated, here on the international level, by an internal document of the State Department from the beginning of the Cold War era, “[The United States has] about 50 percent of the world’s wealth, but only 6.3 percent of it population … Our real task in the coming period is to devise a pattern of relationships which will permit us to maintain this position of disparity without positive detriment to our national security.”[xvi] Behind the invisible hand of the free market is the mailed fist of a police state in place to protect property and privilege from the justified anger of the downtrodden, both nationally and globally.

As Frederick Engels said, “states arose from the need to hold class antagonisms in check.”[xvii] One of the defining features of class stratified societies is the existence of this state of the police and military, these “special bodies of armed men” to maintain the order by force. The purpose of the police is not to protect the security of individuals but rather to uphold the law, which means property. The police are there to protect the privileges of the rich against the rights of the poor.

We can see this role of the law in all sorts of places. We see it in the role of patent law in protecting pharmaceutical companies at the expense of those needing medicine. We see it in the role of intellectual property law and the ruthless prosecution of file-sharing ‘pirates’. We see it in the massive contrast between the extent of the ‘war on drugs’ locking up millions of poor and people of color for minor drug offenses versus the lack of any prosecution at all for the banksters who caused the financial crisis in 2008. And we see it the absurdly egregious examples of corporations given ‘personhood’ and rights. We live in a society where capital – cold hard cash – has independence, liberties, rights and individuality, and actual living individuals have little to none.

In all of these ways the state imposes itself into our lives, reinforcing injustices with a degraded sense of priorities and distorting the very meanings of rights and freedoms. There has been no greater example of this then has been seen since 9/11 in the War on Terror. With passages of such notorious pieces of legislation like the Patriot Act and the National Defense Authorization Act we have seen everything from warrantless wiretapping, to the indefinite detention of citizens, to the declaring of effective martial law in Boston, to the outright execution without trial or jury by predator drones of citizens, become normal part of the American state’s daily business.

Some would deem this as the ‘erosion of our constitutional values’ or the ‘perversion of our American liberties’ or in some way or another a break with the normal state of things under capitalism. But I would say that the War on Terror didn’t lead to America ‘destroying everything it stands for.’ It just merely revealed what America really stands for – that is torture, revenge, suspension of liberties, empire building – and destroyed merely what it was only pretending to stand for. To again paraphrase a blockbuster movie for a second time, terrorists may be able to take your lives, but only the American government can take you freedom.

 

Socialism

So if that is the situation under capitalism, what can be said about socialism?

The name of socialism has been distorted and slandered this past century through the experience of a number of nations who claimed the title of ‘socialist’. If one thing can be surely said about those countries is that the people living in them were not free. Lack of personal liberties, oppressive surveillance by secret police, gulags, rigid uniformity, a hyper undemocratic hierarchy of bureaucrats, lack of any representation of the people in their government or even control over their daily lives. Was this really such a great alternative to capitalism?

We must think back to the relationship between necessity and freedom. For countries like the Soviet Union, who started out on the path of socialism and the liberation of humanity, were met face first with the deplorable material conditions that they had to work with. In the state of generalized poverty and destruction that faced Russia in 1917 and beyond, necessity asserted itself with a vengeance upon the early attempts to build socialism and thus strangled those hopes. As Marx and Engels predicted you need a certain amount of material wealth and technological advancement to begin to building socialism, that, “this development of productive forces … is an absolutely necessary practical premise because without it want is merely made general, and with destitution the struggle for necessities and all the old filthy business would necessarily be reproduced.”[xviii] And in those countries like the Stalin’s Soviet Union, Mao’s China and the absurd regime of North Korea, want had been ‘made general’ and the whole ‘old filthy business’ of class structures, exploitation, oppressive and state apparatuses, were started all over again.

This was not what the founders of socialism like Marx, Engels, Rosa Luxembourg, Leon Trotsky and Lenin had in mind. This was not what countless millions of workers worldwide had fought and even died for. And these are not the sort of societies anyone would want to fight for in the present. The question now is to reclaim the real meaning of the socialism and what it is to be a socialist.

For when they were at their best, socialists have always fought for freedom, personal liberty rights wherever and whenever they can. For they knew that whatever rights, and whatever defeats to tyranny and state repression, that can be achieved in the here and now were absolutely necessary for the self-agitation, education and organization of working people. As Engels said, “even then the worker party would have no choice … to continue its agitation for bourgeois freedom, freedom of the press and rights of assembly and association … Without these freedoms it will be unable to move freely itself … to obtain the air it needs to breath.”[xix] Such ‘bourgeois’ freedoms are the ‘air’ needed for the worker’s movement needs in order to ‘breathe’ and can never be under valued.

Only the free discussion of ideas can people fully educate themselves and develop out their own consciousness. And it is only with total political freedom can they then turn their consciousness into radical action and self-organization. It is the duty then of all socialists, all fighters for a better life, to resist the police state as well as all other forms of capitalistic alienation and un-freedom, in all ways that they can.

But what is this thing they are fighting for, what is socialism? Many on the left and the right are convinced that it merely means state intervention into the economy. So everything from Sweden’s welfare system to ‘Obamacare’ to Stalin’s five year plans are suddenly given the title of ‘socialist’. But Marx and Engels would have mocked such ideas. Engels jokingly commented that in one case, “of late, since Bismarck went in for state-ownership of industrial establishments, a kind of spurious socialism has arisen, degenerating, now and again, into something of flunkeyism, that without more ado declares all state ownership, even of the Bismarckian sort, to be socialistic. Certainly, if the taking over by the state of the tobacco industry is socialistic, then Napoleon … must be numbered among the founders of socialism.”[xx]

The state as a body suspended above and ruling over society doesn’t equal socialism in any case, no matter how it describes itself. Those self-declared communists who said otherwise forget Marx’s words that, “freedom consists in converting the state from an organ superimposed upon society into one completely subordinate to it.”[xxi]

If there can be any doubt that there exists an uncrossable gulf between the goals of socialism set forth by Marx, Engels and all the early communists, versus the realm of state directed poverty and tyranny of the Soviet bloc, then look at the words written by Marx for a pamphlet of his group the Communist League in 1847, “We are not among those communists who are out to destroy personal liberty, who wish to turn the world into one huge barrack or into a gigantic workhouse … we have no desire to exchange freedom for equality. We are convinced … that in no social order will personal freedom be so assured as in a society based upon communal ownership.”[xxii]

So if these are the principals by which socialism is meant to fight for, of the enhancement of personal freedom and liberation, what then is socialism.

Socialism is the novel idea that all people are created equal. That we are social creatures, and all should have the same voice in controlling our society’s destiny. That to share is better then to control, and democracy is better then orders. Socialism is about the direct democratic control of the workplaces, economy and the whole of society by the people who work it and live in it. Socialism is about the collective ownership of all the material wealth of humanity so no person – whether capitalist or state bureaucrat – can use the privilege of ownership to control the lives of others. It means the end to both the rule of the few elite and the rule of impersonal market chaos. Socialism is about freedom for all from the necessities of want. Or as Eugene Debs succinctly put it, “socialism means social ownership, cooperation, freedom and abundance for all.”[xxiii]

This comes about through the assertion of the people’s will over all of society in a conscious and collective way; that is democracy. Socialism is the final victory of democracy for it is the fulfillment of people’s sovereignty over their lives, their society, their economy, their planet, through the extension of democratic control into all fields. As Lenin said, socialism is the product of this radical democracy for, “here ‘quantity turns into quality’: such a degree of democracy implies overstepping the boundaries of bourgeois society and beginning its socialist reorganization. If really all take part in the administration of the state, capitalism cannot retain its hold. The development of capitalism, in turn, creates the preconditions that enable really ‘all’ to take part in the administration of the state.”[xxiv]

For the starting point of this bold idea is that we have reached a point in civilization where material scarcity is an effective fiction. Previous civilizations where still too ‘poor’ to be able to free all from the most base forms of hard labor. That the necessity of the historical context restricted the potential in such a way that, as Marx and Engels said, “people won freedom for themselves each time to the extent that was dictated and permitted not by their ideal of men but by the existing productive forces. All emancipation carried through hitherto has been based, however, on restricted productive forces.”[xxv] The achievements of the ancient Egyptians are monumental, but its hard to imagine such a civilization with such levels of technology not being based on slave labor at the bottom and an elite pharaoh at the top.

But this is no longer the case. Sure the means by which we produce things has to be totally changed to become environmentally sustainable, but the scientific know how exists to do so. Civilization has come such a long way in technology and productive power that now these advance productive, “forces which alone make possible a state of society in which there are no longer class distinctions or anxiety over the means of subsistence for the individual, and in which for the first time there can be talk of real human freedom, of an existence in harmony with the laws of nature that have become known.”[xxvi] We produce enough food, enough medicine, enough homes, enough clothes, in order to meet the basic needs of all of humanity. People’s time can be freed up so as not to be under the total dictates of boss and market. Abject poverty the alienating drudgery of work can now be abolished, but we need a totally new social system in order to do so.

The current barrier to meeting all of humanities needs is not the world’s material wealth or lack of technology, but how those things are distributed and controlled under capitalism. The only thing socialists are interested in forcing anyone against their will to do is to give back their ill-gotten privileges, wealth and power to the people they stole it from. It is only then when this current system of capitalism is burst asunder – that private ownership is replaced with collective sharing, hierarchy is replaced with democracy, market chaos is replaced with reasoned planning – that real human history can begin.

For its an important part of the goal of socialism the idea of planning. That human knowledge and reason are capable of consciously deciding what it needs and what to produce without having to rely on the supply and demand forces of the market. As Bukharin says, “with the transition to socialism, the subjectless society becomes a subject, blind necessity ceases to be blind, the uncognized becomes cognized, the absences of a goal is transformed into its opposite, and the absurd in society is replaced with reason.”[xxvii] If freedom in part means sovereignty, that you have control over your destiny, then a free society must be able to consciously be its own subject, to plan, to decide, to act, instead of being the victim of random happenstance.

But the key trick, and this was the mistake of Bukharin along with many other, is that such a plan can’t be the decision of an elite ‘planner’ standing above society. It has to be the conscious effort and decision of all those within that society working together for it to be socialism. This was the point made by the Marxist Humanist and secretary to Trotsky, Raya Dunayevskaya when she said, “either you have the self-activity of the workers, the plan of freely associated labor, or you have the hierarchic structure of relations in the factory and the despotic plan. There is no in-between.”[xxviii]

This ‘self-activity’, this ‘free association’ is the crux of the entire project. Socialism can only be the creation of the workers themselves, no one can do it for them or on their behalf. But once fought for, built and achieved, the returns back for the individual is what’s important. For socialism is about maximizing the freedom for the individual in the social context where their needs are being met as a right for being human.

This idea of the fusion between the collective and individual freedom is encapsulated in the slogan of Marx’s, “the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.” But this beautiful dream runs throughout all Marx, Engels and other socialists’ writings.

Despite all of the time Marx and Engels wrote about the labor process and laboring, their true goal was to maximize free time. In a socialist society, “the meaning of wealth will then no longer be labor time, but leisure time.”[xxix] The working day is shortened, as we no longer have to support a class of capitalistic parasites on our backs, and people have the freedom and leisure to explore their interests and abilities. To paint, to write, to experiment, to study, to be creative and to develop as human beings. We want all people to be able to enjoy in the fruits of humanities labors over countless generations and to be given the opportunity to freely add to those achievements as best they can.

In the slightly gendered words of Engels, socialism is about, “creat[ing] for all people such a condition that everyone can freely develop his human nature and live in a human relationship with his neighbors.”[xxx] Under such conditions the development of every human being – no matter their race, age, gender, sexuality or previous class origins – to their full potential is the obligation of the whole of society. As Lukacs said, “the fully developed communist society … will be the first society in the history of mankind hat really takes this [individual] freedom seriously and actually makes it a reality.”[xxxi]

Freedom for socialism isn’t something abstract, but something concrete and real that is ensured by providing for human need as the core motivator of society, not corporate greed like under capitalism. So no more homeless teenagers, no more hungry children in slums, no more young graduates desperate for work, no more people trapped in dead end jobs, no more elderly choosing between affording food or their medication. The right to a life worthy of human dignity, for all.

Instead of some rigidly defined unanimity of experiences that all are demanded to conform to like under Stalin, or the false diversity that corporations offer in shallow consumerism and 150 different types of toothpaste, real individualism and individual expression would be allowed to flourish. At the turn of the last century, socialist ideas where popularized in the United States in part through utopian novels like Looking Backwards and News From Nowhere, where the plot was for characters being transported to a future communal society that they then observed. In News From Nowhere, this aforementioned idea is expressed as, “variety of life is as much of an aim of true communism as equality of condition, and … nothing but a union of these two will bring about real freedom.”[xxxii]  Socialism aims to maximizes the choices of lifestyle, occupation, ways of being, ways of artistic expression for all, but that only can be accomplished once we move beyond the confines and restraints put on us by the profit system.

We cannot say for certain what socialism will be like, or determine its exact minutia ahead of time, for that is something for those who live in it to freely build for themselves. But we can say that people will be able to live their lives to their fullest only when they are not constricted by worry and fear of meeting the bills, that students will be able to expand their intellectual horizons to their potential when they are freed from a future of debt bondage, that artists and scientists will be able to explore all their creativity and skill when their fields are no longer dictated to by the demands of corporations, and workers of all occupations will have their labor truly freed only when they have seized control over their own destinies and the products of their labor.

You cannot achieve true freedom for yourself and only yourself, all on you own. That type of individualistic ‘freedom from people’ so easily becomes an elitist doctrine of freedom over people, in spite of people. The achievement of true freedom has to be part of a mass movement, a great, collective process of liberation. We live together, we work together, we fight together, we win together. We are either all going to be free or none of us will. True freedom in the here and now under capitalism is largely an illusion, but we can gain glimpses of a free life when we struggle together and collectively resist the oppression, exploitation and tyranny around us.

The dream of socialism that I have tried to express here is one that is liberatory, that frees the individual and the collective of the working class as one. Its essence is in the final victory of humanity over the forces of reaction that’s stretches all of the way back to the first slave revolts of Spartacus and earlier. Through the resistance to feudal despots by serfs and peasants, to the overthrowing of monarchs and dictators to now that can be seen in every strike for humane working conditions in the world today.

Cause all oppression, all tyranny, all exploitation can only breed resistance. “Just as there is no accumulated wealth without accumulated labor of the poor, so there ican be no vampires without the blood of the living. And in the sheer, stubborn survival of the poor, their persistent struggle for a better life, hope resides. As much as capital possesses them, invading their bodies and sprites, the world’s laboring poor, ‘the endless toilers of the earth’, can never be fully colonized.”[xxxiii] We are capable of resisting and even winning against the vampires of capital not only cause we are many and they are few, but also because it is they who live off of us, not the other way around. When all of this degenerated and rotten civilization is built on your backs, all that is required of you to shake it to the ground is to stand up.

As W.E.B. Du Bois said, “the emancipation of man is the emancipation of labor.”[xxxiv] It is we who toil who have created this world and only through our self-emancipation can that world be rebuilt and renewed on liberated foundations. Resistance and revolt are constants throughout history, the time for it is always now, the right is always yours.

Socialism, as Eugene V. Debs said, “will completely revolutionize the community life. For the first time in history the people will be truly free and rule themselves, and when this comes to pass poverty will vanish like mist before the sunrise.”[xxxv]

That is the dawn of freedom and socialism.


[i] “I’m Not Saying Your Mother’s a Whore’: How Fox News Censored Jon Stewart vs. Bill O’Reilly” by John Cook. Gawker.com. 2/5/2010. http://gawker.com/5465299/im-not-saying-your-mothers-a-whore-how-fox-news-censored-jon-stewart-vs-bill-oreilly

[ii] The Contradictions of ‘Real Socialism’ by Michael Lebowitz. Monthly Review, 2012. Page 75

[iii] Philosophical Arabesques by Nikolai Bukahrin. Monthly Review, 2005. Page 186

[iv] Anti-Duhring by Frederick Engels. International Publishers, 1939. Page 125

[v] History and Class Consciousness by Georg Lucas. The MIT Press, 1968. Page 315

[vi] Social Anarchism or Lifestyle Anarchism by Murray Brookchin. AK Press, 1995. Page 12-13

[vii] The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte by Karl Marx. http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1852/18th-brumaire/ch01.htm

[viii] Bukharin. Page 192

[ix] The Paris Commune: A Revolution in Democracy by Donny Gluckstein. Haymarket Books, 2006. Page 180

[x] The Algebra of Revolution by John Rees. Routledge, 1998. Page 213

[xii] Eugene V. Debs Speaks by Eugene V. Debs. Pathfinder Press. 1994. Page 309

[xiii] Monsters of the Market by David McNally. Haymarket Books, 2011

[xiv] ‘Martin Luther King Jr.: Leader of Millions in Nonviolent Drive for Racial Justice’ by Murray Schumach. The New York Times. 4/5/1968. http://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/bday/0115.html

[xv] Lucas. Page 315

[xvi] State Department Policy Planning Study, February 23, 1948. Cited in Noam Chomsky, OnPower and Ideology: The Managua Lectures. Boston South End Press. 1987. Page 15-16

[xvii] Origins of Private Property, the Family and the State by Frederick Engels. http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1884/origin-family/ch09.htm

[xviii] The German Ideology by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/german-ideology/ch01a.htm

[xix] Quoted from: Lenin Rediscovered. By Lars T. Lih. Haymarket Books, 2006. Page 89

[xx] Anti-Duhring

[xxi] Critique of the Gotha Programme by Karl Marx. http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1875/gotha/ch04.htm

[xxii] Quoted from: Socialism from Below by Hal Draper. Center for Socialist History, 2001. Page 17

[xxiii] Debs. Page 311

[xxv] The German Ideology. Page 431

[xxvi] Anti-Duhring. Page 126

[xxvii] Philosophical Arabesques. Page 190-191

[xxviii] Marxism and Freedom by Raya Dunayevskaya. Humanity Books, 2000. Page 136

[xxix] Grundrisse by Karl Marx. Page 596

[xxx] Speeches in Elberfeld by Frederick Engels. http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/02/15.htm

[xxxi] Lucas. Page 315

[xxxii] Quoted from: Socialism from Below. Page 27

[xxxiii] McNally. Page 250

[xxxiv] Black Reconstruction in America by W.E.B. Du Bois. The Free Press, 1998. Page 16

[xxxv] Debs. Page 311

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After Forward On Climate March, Where Do We Go From Here?

IMG_0427Last month the largest climate change march and demonstration in U.S. history was held in Washington DC. Organized by Bill McKibben and 350.org, the Forward On Climate march brought in as many as 35,000 people in the freezing cold  to demand urgent action by the government to prevent catastrophic climate change and to halt construction of the Keystone XL Pipeline. This represents a huge step forward for the environmental and climate justice movements, for which Bill McKibben and the people in 350.org deserves my honest respect for pulling this off. But this also brings out incredibly important strategic concerns for the movement.

For years, those such as myself have been arguing for the need for a mass grassroots movement to confront the political and corporate power structures that are leading our planet towards ecological annihilation. A movement that breaks out of the white middle class environmentalist cul-de-sac and embraces working class people, people of color and, importantly, first nations people, in their struggle. Now a movement such as that is beginning to emerge, but the question becomes where it is go?

This here is a very rough sketch of my ideas at the moment, and much like my earlier post on the labor movement, it should not be considered as a definitive program of action but more of an attempt to pose the question. What is to be done?

First off. I believe it is now self-evident to all those who are seriously concerned about the environment and climate catastrophe, that no single approach or tactic is going to cut it. This is particularly true for the variety of “personal is political” “reduce my own greenhouse foot print” lifestyle approaches, but is also true for the variety of others. Our goal – and here just speaking in regards to the climate change issue – needs to be nothing short then the speedy and drastic cut in all greenhouse gas emission across the board and the elimination of all greenhouse gas emitting fuel/energy sources in the quickest possible amount of time. The strategies and tactics we use need to flow from this level of urgency and scale of our task.

So this means just personal solutions will not work, writing our congressmen will not work, lobbying will not work, ridding our bikes will not work, small affinity group actions will not work, direct actions blockading coal trucks will not, disrupting gas company investor meetings will not work, and even mass mobilizations and protests will not work. But all (or most) of those combined, being carried out simultaneously, on an ever escalating scope and scale, with tens of millions of people, and dialed up to 11, just might work. The approach I wish to suggest is one that doesn’t focus solely on this or that tactic, but aims to pull off both and then some. Nothing should be off the table because we have very little time left to play with.

So embedded in this idea – which I guess in militaristic terminology could be described as firing all of our guns at once across the whole line on full automatic – is the idea of building this into a mass movement. We need to be engaging and incorporating into this struggle millions and millions of people, people who haven’t normally been involved with environmental politics before but who have just as much to lose from climate catastrophe of the most committed of eco-activists. This means having mass outreach and educational campaign that aims to reach out and work with all sorts of people. There is a lot of misconceptions and oil company propaganda that needs to be fought against. So have teach-in events at churches, synagogs, mosques, community centers, schools. Hand out leaflets on street corners and shopping centers, even gas stations. Inform people about how much money in tax breaks these gas companies are getting while they keep on upping the cost of a gallon. Don’t guilt-trip drivers, anger them, educate them, agitate them, organize them.

Target everything and everything you can. One of the problems with 350.org’s current approach is that it focuses so much on getting universities and other institutions to divest from gas companies. On one level this can become an important thing to rally around and it may get some real victories which are critical. But Exxon-Mobile will never stop being itself just cause a bunch of colleges divested their endowments from them. We can’t waste our time on just symbolic victories, we desperately need real victories. So yes, divest from Exxon-Mobile, but also march on their headquarters, protest their board meetings, disrupt their investor meetings, hound their execs at every opportunity, and carry out actions that target and humiliate all those bribed politicians they have in their pockets as well.

But don’t just focus on this or that fossil fuel company, focus on all corporations. Force upon every single one of the Fortune 500 the demand that they adopt extreme targets and the measures needed to reach them, to cut their greenhouse gas emissions drastically. Protest them relentlessly until you shame every one of them into submission, then move onto ever other company or institution in the land.

At the same time even more strident demands need to be forced on every town, city, county and state. Has your city council adopted merciless goals of reducing the whole city’s emissions? No! Well then give them no peace. Bring down the entire might of community and neighborhood power down on their heads until they give in. If they aren’t doing enough to meet those emission goal, well then surround the city hall with tens of thousands of people and not leave until they either step down or promise  to do better. Now do the same on the state and national levels and we are starting to get somewhere.

What I am imagining here isn’t a thousand pin-pricks against the gasoline power structure, nor even a swarm of activists buzzing about their heads. I am imagining a tidal wave of a millions strong mass movement, stretching from one end of the country to the other, that’ll sweep them off the face of the earth.

But even this will not be enough. For I am convinced that the only answer to the addressing ecological destruction at its source is on the structural level, capitalism. This rough sketch of an idea of a approach for the environmental movement – which I hope will aid in the starting of a conversation – is not so much aimed at saving the world but at buying us the time we need in order to save the world. The task of uprooting this destructive system of capitalism is a difficult and long one, the revolution will not be tomorrow, but the continual obliteration of our natural environment will be. We fight, or we die.

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Field Notes on Activism

The following was meant for a Zine/Pamphlet thing about activism, and was written in the Spring of 2010. The Zine never came about, so I originally posted this article on a friends blog TheSitch.com which has since been discontinued.

To begin with I have to make clear that the following is just my views based off of my experiences in activism. People can learn from them, ignore them, argue with them to their hearts content. But anywho ….

 
There’s an old union song called Solidarity Forever that has a line that goes like this “..what force on earth is weaker than the feeble strength of one..” Now this might be viewed as an overly cynically and depression thing to start off a discussion on changing the world with, but there is a very important kernel of truth in it. The structures that bind, exploit, oppress us are not created by any single person but large groups of them, and therefore can only be dismantled and destroyed by even larger groups of people. Often I will talk about building mass movements, but this is not coming from a place of me liking the idea of it, or support for the basic democratic content of it, but from the simple pragmatic fact that there is no other way of winning. Every single solitary time a great change was won in this country it wasn’t because people got the right leader in office or there was a small cadre of activists fighting for it. It was because there was a mass movement, a mass upsurge from below of hundreds of thousands to millions of people on the streets fighting for change. That’s where change comes from. This is the foundation of most everything I’m going to be saying here, only with mass movements can we win change.

 
The question then becomes how do we build these movements, and there really is no easy answer. Often times you can do everything right, work your ass off, agitate like hell, and nobody is interested in your cause. Other times you can put up just a few fliers and suddenly the whole campus is in a state of revolt. You shouldn’t get discouraged too much in the former case, things go in waves and there’s no telling when a low point in struggle will suddenly turn to a high point or vice versa. One of the many jobs of an activist is to try to act as a point of continuum between each high point in struggle and be the person patiently rebuilding the movement in the low points.

 
Anyway, there are certain things, specifically with your own personnel perspective, that we can begin with in answering the question on how to build mass movements.
Firstly, there needs to be a total rejection of any form of elitism. Not to be mean, but you as an activist are not special. All the people out there not engaged in activism aren’t stupid, aren’t “sheeple”, aren’t bought off by the system, you are not any better then them at all. Period. This is in part a very basic democratic principal but also has important practical meaning. The fact is you, me, all the activists, radicals and revolutionaries out there were not born this way. Nobody is born an activist, we develop to this point by many different routes. This same rule applies to everyone who have yet to become an activist as well. If we wish to build a mass movement we must recognize that all those people out there who aren’t yet involved, not just can be convinced to get involved, but must be convinced to get involved if we are to win.

 

You can call what follows the RedPleb’s Law or some such nonsense, in fact you can ignore everything else in this paper as long as you read this (my little way of saving you time); Every tactic, strategy, action, event, pamphlet, poster, whatever, must be weighed and measured against how well will it get other people involved and plugged into activist organizing. Any action that will marginalize your movement should be jettisoned and any action that can expand peoples’ involvement (either passive, “hey I support that cause”, or active, “I will come to meetings and help fight this fight”, involvement) should be prioritized. An activist is only as good as much as she is able to reproduce herself, that is create more activists.

 
Pretty much everything else in this paper is based on an application of this idea.
Outreach, outreach, outreach. Never stop outreaching. If a movement is only as good as the quantity and quality of people in it then you better spread the word far, wide and deep. Politics is firstly a battle of ideas and propaganda is your arsenal. Poster often and widely for every event. Use every means of information at your disposable both legal and semi frowned upon. Get on sponsored calendar of events, use newspaper announcements, social media, the radio, the inter-web, announcements in classrooms and offices, banner drops, canvas people’s dorms and homes, set up a soap box in the middle of a busy intersection. What you wish to do is creating a tangible buzz on campus where it is impossible for anyone not to be aware of your event and where knowledge of the event is so wide spread that it actual starts building itself. Build big or go home.

 
Don’t dumb down you message to people or be overly moralistic about them getting involved. People know when they are being talked down to and rightfully do not like it. In addition it is a good idea to have some informal and more enjoyable events to help outreach to people, such as dance-ins and parties. These can be a good opportunity to meet new people but don’t limit yourself to them. People like parties but no one will join a movement or risk getting arrested for a cause because they throw the best parties alone. Convince people with well reasoned arguments. Be well informed in you cause so that you can teach and convince other people. People are a lot smarter then you give them credit for and they will join something if they can be inspired and convinced to it with logic.

 
Be open to everyone. Be willing to work with anyone (well at least within reason, you don’t want to work with any White Supremacists or schmucks like that) who is willing to work with you. Be a multi-politically opinioned movement as best you can. Sometime people will try to lower the level of politics, or say that a certain group is too “radical” and there involvement might be “divisive”. Whenever someone says that the general public isn’t ready for a certain set of ideas, 9 time out of 10 times they’re really just expressing their own hang-ups and disagreements. That said don’t allow your movement to be co-oped by the interests of an outside force. There is a certain party, I won’t name names, but it’s symbol is a donkey, that wants nothing more then to suck you into it’s “big tent” of a party and suffocate your movement. Don’t let them.

 
Be creative and varied with the tactics used. Don’t limit yourself to one type of action alone, if you keep doing the same thing over and over people are going to loose interest. Be realistic about your ability to organize for a certain action. Don’t stretch yourself too thin or you will break. Often times the ideas for actions can become too complex or too difficult for your current strength and they will never happen. If you can, keep it simple, there’s less that can go wrong. Also don’t from the get go limit yourself to one type of action; “we are only going to go through official channels of petitions”, or, “we are only going to use direct action because legal channels are for conformists.” Both of these ideas are foolish, petty and will never succeed.

 
Have a strategy, a coherent plan of attack, in which every tactic and event is but one piece of it. Know what you want (to win), what you need to get what you want, and how to get there from here. Have an escalation of tactics where each tactic/event is helping to build for the next, getting more people plugged in and facilitating their radicalization and involvement. A strategy is based off a realistic perspective, that is an analysis of what the situation on the ground is, what’s the coalition of forces, who’s on your side, what’s the strength of your opposition. After every event assess it. Even if the action was a complete success you should still assess how it went, what it accomplished, what it cost to put together, where were you stellar, where can you do better. This way you’re in a constant state of learning from experience and perfecting yourself. And most importantly, all of this, crafting a strategy, implementing a strategy, deciding on tactics, developing a perspective, assessing past actions, MUST be done collectively within your entire group.

 
Now this brings us to likely the most controversial point of this whole discussion, the internal structure of an activism group. Now I remind people that these are just my views on the subject and you can take them with a grain of salt if you like.
To begin with remember “RedPleb’s Law”, the internal structure of an activism group and how meetings are carried out MUST be conducive towards growth. Anything that can limit growth isn’t worth your time. If the internal rules of a group are too esoteric, too complicated, or just too much of a pain in the ass, so that any Joe Schmo from off the street can’t feel like he can get involved, or is too confused by the meeting itself, then you need to change things.

 
Read The Tyranny of Structurelessness by Jo Freeman she explains this a lot better then I could but I’ll give it a try. Structure exists no matter what. You can either have a formal structure or an informal structure within a group, but the later is hell of a lot more dangerous. With a formal structure that everyone agrees to or at least is aware of there is accountability and everyone knows what’s going on. When you try to organize without any “structure” what will eventual emerge is that important decisions are made without the collective consent of the rest of the group. An informal leadership clique will emerge who are accountable to no one and are manipulating things outside of meetings. That atypically sucks.

 
I’m in favor of simple majority (51% vs. 49%) decision making as opposed to consensus (100%) for a number of reason. Firstly consensus is a very big head ache in practice. But importantly it works best in very tiny groups with a very narrow political range of people. The larger your group, and the more diverse the political backgrounds of them the harder and harder it is to make it work. Therefore consensus can be a very significant barrier to further growth. It’s also, in my opinion, very anti-democratic. In a consensus vote a single individual can derail an entire decision making process, even if 99% of people in the room are for something. Therefore it becomes a tyranny of a tiny minority versus the will of the vast majority. If I was an under-cover cop, consensus is basically a god send because I can single handedly force the group to do what I wish, all I have to do is wait them out. This leads to another issue with consensus, it represents the interests of the privileged within movements. When consensus decision making becomes grid-locked, the resolution that wins is the one supported by the people who can stay the longest. There are classes and class privileges (among other privileges) in society and those who are the most financially well off are those who usually have the most amount of free time to spend at meetings. If someone has to work to support themselves in school they usually can’t spend as much time at organizational meetings and are at a disadvantage when consensus is used.

 
All this being said don’t obsess over the organizational structure your group is using. This can lead to your group becoming too inwardly focused, self-centered and clique like. You can have the perfect organizational structure but that alone won’t change anything. You are all in this activist group to change the world, not to fetishize how to organize.

 
Anywho there you go. My rough take on activism. I guess some last notes would be to be flexible, be ready to turn on a dime at any moment. Be positive, no body is going to be inspired by a wet blanket. Avoid unnecessary risks but at the same time realize the biggest risk in life is not taking any. Also, if “war is politics continued by other means” then the reverses is also true. Politics is war, it’s a battle, it’s a fight. You want a victory not a “moral victory”. Fight it to win.

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